HomeNATIONALCENTREWhy Modi Skipped China’s Victory Day Parade: Balancing Diplomacy, Strategy, and India’s...

Why Modi Skipped China’s Victory Day Parade: Balancing Diplomacy, Strategy, and India’s Global Vision

Why Modi Skipped China’s Victory Day Parade: On September 3, 2025, Beijing hosted a grand military parade to mark the 80th anniversary of Japan’s surrender in World War II, a spectacle officially celebrated as Victory Day. On September 3, 2025, Beijing hosted a grand military parade to mark the 80th anniversary of Japan’s surrender in World War II, a spectacle officially celebrated as Victory Day.Tanks, missiles, and advanced aircraft thundered through Tiananmen Square, signaling China’s growing military might. But what truly drew global attention was the sight of Chinese President Xi Jinping flanked by Russian President Vladimir Putin and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un—a symbolic trio that challenged the U.S.-led global order.

More than 20 heads of state attended the parade, including Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, but one notable absence stood out: Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India.

A Calculated Absence

For India, the decision to stay away was not taken lightly. Though the event was meant to commemorate China’s wartime resistance against Japan, New Delhi views Tokyo as a trusted strategic partner in today’s world. Attending the parade could have sent the wrong signal—appearing to side with regimes like China and North Korea against Japan, undermining India’s growing defense and economic cooperation with Tokyo.

“India never saw Japan as a fascist adversary the way China did,” one strategic affairs expert noted. “For New Delhi, the risks of misinterpretation outweighed the ceremonial value of participation.”

Xi’s Message, Trump’s Shadow

In his address, President Xi Jinping declared that China does not fear intimidation, a statement widely seen as a response to Donald Trump’s recent remarks. Just days earlier, the U.S. President claimed on Truth Social that “India and Russia seem lost to deepest, darkest China,” accusing Beijing of plotting with Moscow and Pyongyang against American interests.

Modi’s absence from the parade appeared to quietly distance India from this emerging axis, signaling caution without confrontation.

The Japan Factor

India’s diplomatic calendar added another layer to the decision. Just before the Beijing event, Modi made a high-profile visit to Japan—a country that continues to face both historical grievances and territorial disputes with China. By prioritizing Tokyo, Modi reinforced India’s commitment to its Indo-Pacific partnerships while avoiding the optics of standing alongside leaders hostile to Japan.

For China, Japan remains a historical antagonist, often invoked in nationalist rhetoric. For India, however, Japan is a collaborator in infrastructure, technology, and defense, making it a cornerstone of New Delhi’s long-term strategy.

Beyond Tariffs and Trade

Some speculated whether Trump’s 50% tariffs on Indian exports influenced Modi’s decision. But analysts argue the choice was rooted in broader strategic alignment, not short-term trade disputes. India has consistently sought to maintain strategic autonomy, balancing engagement with powers like China and Russia while deepening ties with democracies such as the U.S., Japan, and Europe.

India-China: Dialogue With Distance

Recent months have shown signs of a thaw in India-China relations, with foreign minister-level talks and Modi’s attendance at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Tianjin. Yet, New Delhi’s absence from the Victory Day Parade underscores that deep mistrust persists, especially after the 2020 Galwan Valley clashes.

Participation would have implied more than symbolic respect—it could have been read as an endorsement of China’s military assertiveness and alternative vision of world order. That, experts say, is a message India was unwilling to send.

A Vision for the Future

India’s diplomatic choices reflect its commitment to democratic values, transparency, and civil liberties—principles that many of the parade’s attendees fell short on. While New Delhi will continue engaging China through platforms like the SCO, it remains wary of being drawn into non-democratic spheres of influence.

For now, India appears determined to strengthen its bonds with liberal democracies while preserving the flexibility of strategic autonomy. Modi’s calculated absence from Beijing’s military show was less about avoiding a parade, and more about reaffirming India’s place in a rules-based global order.

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